The role of art and artists in cities has been a central issue in the work of researchers and urban planners for several decades. It is part of the field of developing the concept of “creative cities” and creative practices in these cities.
Alongside with other essential aspects of “creative cities” there has been a dynamic expansion in the debate on what is and should be the involvement and participation of art and artists in addressing the challenges of cities in cultural, social, economic and environmental spheres, how they should act as city-zens.
Participation is one of the dimensions of the creative city, as it provides the basis for interaction of various societal groups and the development of creative solutions to challenges. Is participation valued and present in the practices of young artists? Since ancient times art has been reflecting on the ills of the society, and bringing to the fore the marginalised groups of society. To what extent do young artists identify with this role? Are they ready to leave the “white cube” of art galleries? What is their view of the possible and desirable impact of their artistic work on city-dwellers and the urban environment?
The authors of the paper analyse current interpretations of the “creative city” and the experiences of young artists in the context of these interpretations, relating the analysis to the three dimensions and five types of participation by Merav Kaddar and colleagues (Kaddar et al 2020).
The paper analyses the experience of a group of young artists from three art universities implementing an urban public art intervention in the Latvian port city of Liepāja (selected to be a European Capital of Culture in 2027), by applying the methods of auto-ethnography and participant observation during field work in August-October 2023. The authors conclude that the young artists’ perceptions of the possible societal impact of art as such and their own artistic intervention (external and external efficacy) are equally high, which can be explained by the supportive conditions created for the concrete artistic intervention.

In the age of music streaming platforms, digitalization extends beyond major players, with social networks serving as a tangible presence in the public digital sphere (Le Dieu, 2013). This is particularly advantageous for independent artists, who exploit digital frameworks to discover opportunities and engage with various stakeholders, including fans (Henfridsson & Bygstad, 2013; Saragih, Simatupang, & Sunitiyoso, 2018; Saragih, 2019). The transformative potential of non-physical and digital materiality raises questions about its capacity to foster alternative business ecosystems that empower entrepreneurial artists.

Examining the digital media presence of UK artist Marie-Spender, the author illustrates how diverse digital platforms form a comprehensive entrepreneurial digital ecosystem, encompassing production, promotion, and distribution. This ecosystem serves as a substitute and complement to traditional record company services, replicating the facets of music production, promotion, and distribution. Notably, the artist's digital ecosystem enables independent financing for the creation process and ongoing training, eliminating direct reliance on album releases or concerts. The research emphasizes that this digital entrepreneurial ecosystem empowers artists to achieve independence, transforming them into not only self-producers but also "self-influencers."

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Artists' technological practices play a pivotal role in comprehending ongoing transformations in the music industry. Scholarly literature underscores technological advances as catalysts for institutional change (Barley 1986; Clemens and Cook, 1999; Hargadon and Douglas, 2001; Streeck and Thelen, 2005; Battilana and D'Aunno 2009). De Heusch, Dujardin, and Rajabaly (2011) propose viewing an artist's diverse artistic endeavors as enterprises, portraying the artist as a serial entrepreneur. Our focus is on the innovative practices of independent artists who translate their entrepreneurial projects onto digital platforms. The dynamic between technology and consumers significantly influenced the music industry during the "record crisis" (2002-2016) with the shift from CDs to dominant music streaming (Vancaelemont, 2016). Artists responded by specializing in digital customer relations (Chaney, 2010), discovering value creation in fan relationships (Chaney, 2012). Unorganized collective action (Wilhoit and Kisselburgh, 2015) suggests the need for a complementary theoretical framework tailored to this diverse association among actors.

The business ecosystems concept, introduced by James Moore in 1996, focuses on "coopetition," blending competition and cooperation in business strategies. Moore defines an ecosystem as "an economic community sustained by the interaction between firms and individuals," with members including suppliers, producers, competitors, and other stakeholders. Sussan and Acs (2017) extend and clarify this concept into the digital era by integrating the entrepreneurial ecosystem from the business ecosystem and the digital ecosystem from the technological ecosystem. This integration allows for a comprehensive understanding of the various elements and agents in the ecosystem and their interrelation. It also incorporates perspectives on individual and social consumer behavior. The operational efficiency of digital entrepreneurial ecosystems depends on the interaction between actors.

METHODS
Netnography is a participant observation method focused on social networks, particularly the digital public spaces (Kozinets, 2019). Employing this framework for participant observation on the Internet of a self-employed artist, English artist Mary Spender, on diverse platforms (e.g. YouTube, Patreon, and others), the author discovers multiple facets of an entrepreneurial digital ecosystem.

Chosen for her innovative use of digital space and recognition from peers, Mary Spender's networks were selected using netnography principles for direct access and high traffic levels. Data, including transcribed videos, discussion threads, and observation notes, underwent thorough examination to understand this complex digital entrepreneurship context. The inductive analytical methodology prioritized theoretical emergence, with results reflecting three integrated dimensions crucial to understanding the digital entrepreneurial ecosystem of independent artists.

FINDINGS
First, Mary Spender explores and describes an ecosystem that replaces major companies' services through her publications, particularly on digital services and discussions with players across various networks. Her detailed insights are primarily shared on Nebula, a global, independent, creator-owned video-on-demand streaming service, where Spender publishes exclusive long-form content, behind-the-scenes footage, studio diaries, making-of videos, and her documentary 'The Making of Songbook.' Services in production, distribution, rights management, album sales, and merchandising, accessible online on her website and social networks, parallel functions traditionally attributed to record companies and publishers. Engaging in all production stages challenges artists, requiring understanding from various players' perspectives.

Second, Mary Spender's ecosystem demonstrates its role in financing the artist's creativity and learning. This point is evident in her recurrent discussion of the "one thousand true fans" rule in fan support videos. Platforms such as Patreon, Nebula, YouTube, and Instagram illustrate this facet. Some posts, initially perceived as "unprofessional", actually reveal stages of creativity and learning encouraged by the ecosystem, including the artist's search for inspiration through social networks and a guitar-dedicated trip to Spain. Creative exercises like playing the guitar in unique spaces are highlighted, with Spender expressing gratitude to fan-patrons financing these moments. This fan-funded support positively contributes to her musical entrepreneurship, distinguishing it from the record company system, where every expense, no matter how small, is meticulously accounted for and deducted from the artist's royalties.

Third, the way Mary Spender managed her ecosystem emphasizes the necessity of diversifying audience relations to establish a network presence and access fan patrons. In her revenue report on the YouTube channel, she notes that her own music videos, limited to a 3'30'' format, generate lower income due to YouTube's algorithm favoring longer videos with more ad breaks. Conversely, her most popular content, arising from trial and error, covers diverse topics, such as testing a carbon guitar and collaborating with Josh Turner on a Dire Straits cover. This collaborative content, functioning beyond self-promotion, engages in coopetition, capturing each other's audiences and competing in brand-sponsored influencer offers. Despite the artist remaining the primary focus, the interactions often shift from the artist's work to the transformation induced by the ecosystem, transitioning from artist entrepreneur to a "self-influencer" promoting their own self as the primary offer.

DISCUSSION
Mary Spender's digital entrepreneurial ecosystem, a subject of this study, offers diverse contributions to the literature. Confirming the influence of consumer crowds in production and distribution aligns with Kozinets (2008) and highlights the pivotal role of music fans in supporting artists' entrepreneurial approaches (Chaney, 2012). The co-construction of entrepreneurial artists' digital ecosystems extends beyond audience relationships, forming an interconnected entrepreneurial and digital space, providing new insights, as suggested by Le Dieu (2013). This aligns with Maillefert and Robert's proposal (2014, 2017) to utilize digital territories to surpass previous model limitations in the Recorded Music Industry, emphasizing ecosystem observation rather than business model changes.

Crowdfunding functions within the artist's ecosystem reveal a transformation in the audience's role, allowing co-production and reclaiming the artist's intermediary role without or in the margins of traditional organizations (Bourdieu, 1979; Chaney, 2019). Beyond artistic production, the case study shows the artist's identity undergoes a primary transformation within the digital entrepreneur ecosystem, acquiring skills to navigate the digital space, self-promote, and endorse related products or services. This transformation challenges the traditional image of artists and their reliance on industry professionals (De Heusch, Dujardin, & Rajabaly, 2011).

The findings emphasize the empowering role of the digital entrepreneurial ecosystem in achieving independence, offering a sustainable path despite resistance from traditional actors. This complements existing literature on Major label maintenance work (Blanc & Huault, 2014; Cuffolo & Brée, 2021) by exploring the work leading to artist entrepreneurs' emancipation from these dominant actors, supported by their community and digital resources. This discussion contributes to a new theory of ecosystems (Jacobides, Cennamo, Gawer, 2018), objectively addressing digital opportunities, entrepreneurial actions, and the generative capabilities of the digital environment in forming ecosystems favoring artist independence.

CONCLUSION
This study analyses the digital music industry's new landscape provided by digital entrepreneurial ecosystems and allows revisiting the role of the artist beyond the record labels' purview. This study demonstrates that the ecosystem empowers artists to self-produce, self-publish, and self-promote their works without depending on traditional players in the recorded music industry, but also, and most importantly, to ensure the financial sustainability of a crucial phase of the artistic profession - creation.

Finally, this research suggests two research paths: one focusing on the changes in business models induced by the transformation of ecosystems, and the other exploring further the agency of artist entrepreneurs in their collaboration with fans in their transformative pursuit of independence.